Hani Nesira

Introduction:

The humanitarian and charitable Islamic NGOs in Egypt represent a special example of civil society. This is due to its ability overcome the usual problems of civil organizations like, the lack of volunteers or sources of finance, as well as, it’s unique ways to produce new means and methods to overcome such problems.

In spite of the huge number of the NGO’s in Egypt (16 thousand organizations with 3 million volunteers) there are only  few hundreds of efficient organizations with couples of thousands real active volunteers.  Actually, the Islamic NGOs represent a special model among other NGO’s.  Since their early emergence at the end of the 19th century, till now they succeeded to present many services to the public through their various activities and educational projects. Also, they were able  to fulfill many deficiencies, which were neglected by the government due to its pursuit of the economical reformation and structural adaptation. Although they were always exposed to security or bureaucratic procedures, which sometimes lead to dissolution or even to the imprisonment of their individuals, the increase of their numbers assures that they are a social flexible phenomenon, which through its multiple religious constituents could overcome all the difficulties and keeps its continuity. Actually, in 2002, the percentage of the humanitarian Islamic NGOs represented 35% of the total number of humanitarian organizations in Egypt.

When we review the studies done about the Islamic organizations we notice a generalized and absolute logic due to the anticipated visions and superior ideology, which produces a false consciousness among many intellectual elites and politicians. Thus, it was necessary to study closely some samples of these Islamic organizations that represent the different trends through the phenomenon of the Islamic civil activity whether according to images of theses organization, or to their political Islamic connection (Muslim brotherhood), or to their relation with the regime or others. Some observant researchers believe that the dependency of these organizations on religious aspects to support their goals, activities and communication has marked them with falsity and abstractions produced by ideology and the logic of elimination more than the well of real objective knowledge. The fierce launch against Islamic organizations and associations after the events of September the 11th, which connected them to Al Qaida or terrorism, confirmed such logic. Before we indulge through the complications of the civil Islamic activities we need to define these organizations.  

The Definition of Islamic NGOs:

This study defines the civil Islamic organizations according to the following measures:

1- Names: some nominations are connected to Islam like, Koran, Al Sunna, Sahabi, Sheik, Mosque and traditions.

2-  Activity: the activities have Islamic goals and religious intentions.

3- The role of the religious constituent which directs the activities of these organizations: most previous studies in Egypt had dealt with the Islamic or civil organizations in general and dealt with certain problematic researches (1) according to the first two measures only.

4- Some researchers might consider other measures that apply for many organizations other than the Islamic ones. Which is consedering the high level of efficiency to overcome financial problems and lack of volunteers, the Islamic organizations and many other humanitarian NGOs could be recognized for that. On the other hand, many Islamic organizations suffer these problems too. Therefore, such measures cannot be adopted.

Amani Qandeel added to the previous classification the measure of connecting to Muslim Brotherhood Movement (2) but this measure cannot be valid because many Islamic NGOs are not relevant to Muslim brotherhood.  Some of them are related to the authority and its system. Actually, the chosen three measures reflect the real image and the fact of the Islamic NGOs away from falsity that might result due to relations with the moderate political Islam or other trends.

In this study, we focused on the humanitarian relief committee of the physician union in Egypt in spite of the reality that this organization is no longer in service. We would like to clarify the role of the government in dealing with Islamic NGOs to uncover the role of the government and the visions of these organizations especially after the events of September and the severe launch against all Islamic organizations. Until lately, there were no independent studies about the Islamic NGOs because they were studied through civil organizations in general (3), or as a religious case in Egypt, or according to the relation with the movements of political Islam. When the first study appeared, its publication was delayed for four years and its results were limited to the end of the 90ies. (4)

It is important to notice the following:

1. The theoretical and field study is still unable to percept the rich diversity within the Islamic NGOs’ classification and does not exploit this verification to modernize their members’ concepts. In spite of the existence of fully traditional organizations but due to the emerge of many democratic wings among the Islamic trends, there are many who are open to modernization and ready to make benefit of their own experience. Taking into consideration the general public feelings about the need for democracy, there became an urge to have a dialogue with the trends of religious indication. Many researchers of national and democratic interests in Egypt monitored this development. Besides, the radical groups retreated and initiated the stop of violence (5), where the government still hesitates to release their main cadres, therefore, it is necessary to include these groups within the national movement. All this reassures the importance of being close to these trends, develop acquaintance and adjust the relation with them.

2. The security authorities were the most who made benefit of the violent events, whether inside or outside Egypt (11th of September). So, as these authorities made benefit of the law of emergency for the past 19 years, they exploited the late events of September to issue the new law for civil organizations No.84 in 2002 to have a firm control of all these organizations. Although many observers might find that the last events of September resulted more sympathy with the American people and a rejection for the unreasonable speech of the Ben laden groups it consolidated the objection against the American policy in the Middle-East and its exceeded bigotry to the side of Sharon, plus, its attempt to subjugate Arabs and Muslim people in Iraqi and other areas under its control. This concept exists among most different civil and humanitarian organizations; besides, most ideologies adopt such a concept and impose slight restrictions and pressure on the closed countries in the Middle East. This double vision unites all the different organizations and Islamic groups, whether they are related to the regime, political Islam, or definite cultural groups like, The Organization of Islamic Acquaintance (Cairo), the Beneficiary Islamic Organization or the Organization of Culture and Dialogue of Egypt, which emerged lately to represent the moderate generation that disaccorded with the Islamic brotherhood movement, or the believers of general Islamic values. The attitude against the American policy is a general public phenomenon in the entire world; therefore, this vision cannot be classified according to any specific basis. 

3. Most Islamic NGOs in Egypt, especially the public ones, submit various humanitarian and social services to many public sectors, mainly, the poor. According to the Islamic goals and means, many projects are established for taking care of orphans, marriages and free medical treatments and others. The role of these organizations was, mostly, clarified through the natural catastrophic crises of Egypt like, the earthquake of 1992 or the floods of 1993/1994 and others. Besides, their role was very much realized to help the afflicted victims without any distinction or a definite ideology. Thus, they were targeted by the American administration through the Egyptian government, who restricted their activities according to its benefit.

The Aims of the Study: 

The aims of this study are the following goals:

1) To reflect an aligned real image of the beneficiary humanitarian Islamic NGOs, mainly, their social and humanitarian services.

2) To explain the basis of the Islamic NGOs through introducing various samples according to their various foundation.

3) To clarify the visions of these organization toward the events of September, democracy and other matters. 

 First: The Theoretical Part

 1.The rise and the historical development     

The civil Islamic organizations in Egypt emerged late at the last third of the 19th century. They were preceded by other civil cultural and scientific organizations, first, the Greek organization in Alexandria in 1821. In 1859, the Institute of Egypt for researches of ancient Egyptian civilization was established, later, the Organization of Education (a traditional religious organization) in 1875 and the Geographical Organization in 1875. In 1878, there has been established a committee for aiding the poor national Muslim. When this committee became under the supervision of Khidewi, the nature of this project changed as well as its name; thus, it became the first civil Islamic organization in Egypt. Its most prominent symbols were the Imam Mohamed Abu and the leader Mustafa Kamil, plus many pioneers of enlightenment during the 19th and 20th century. Before the end of the 19th century the organization of Masa’i Mashkurah was established by a number of prominent personalities and leaders like, Abed Al-Aziz Basha Fahmi, Ahmed Basha Abed Al-Gafar and others. Many schools were established through all the littoral areas at the north of Egypt.

Amani Qandeel believes that the reason for the relative delay of civil organizations to emerge is the lack of need for such modern organizations due to the existence of traditional systems that succeeded to fulfill the necessary social demands like, the Mosque and the Islamic system of endowment ‘Waqf’. (6) Also, the spread of Sufi methods as basic public organizations might have relatively affected the delay of civil Islamic organizations’ emerge. (7) Many researchers agree that the rise of these organizations was affected by the interior and exterior challenges, which reflected the social, cultural and political atmosphere during that period like, the activity of the missionary delegations. Thus, the religious organizations imitated the delegations activity that aided the poor and established

Schools for free education. Furthermore, the British occupation in 1882 has agitated the movement to establish civil Islamic and Christian Coptic organizations, which had a role of resistance against the occupation and despotism. In addition, the Saint Simeon ideas urged the spread of private humanitarian associations during the last quarter of the 19th century. (8)

It is believed that before World War I, there were about 20 Islamic and 11 Coptic organizations in Egypt.

2. The Liberal Period:

It started before the National Revolution of 1919 until the Revolution of July in 1952. Due to the active Egyptian Liberal efforts to give the freedom for establishing organizations according to the constitution of 1932, the civil Islamic organizations flourished; the Islamic Youth in 1927 and the Muslim brotherhood in 1928 were the most important established organizations.

At the beginning, the Islamic organizations were established for pure religious and missionary purposes. Their aim was to face the western morals that spread within the Egyptian society or to face the christianization launches, as well as, the colonization, politically and economically. The Imam Mahmood Khatab Al-Sebki, who founded the Sharia organization in 1912, considered that colonialism plunders the resources of Muslims. He said: “Why don’t we fabricate our dresses from our cotton?”; he, therefore, established a factory of textile in his region Al-Khyamiah. Hassan Al-Bana, also, established many similar projects and urged for the return of Islamic Caliphate (a religion and a State) and argued with Taha Hussein in the university of Cairo. 

The constitution of 1923 enriched the civil activities in general because it granted the right to establish organizations and it prohibited only those who use violence or prepare to apply it. The big gap between the social classes and the increase of poverty urged the middle class to look for social reformation on religious bases. (9)

3. From the Revolution of 1952 till the 90ies:

This was a period of civil activities’ retreat in Egypt because the revolutionary regime attempted since the beginning to establish a general system that controls and restricts any private movement. After its victory upon its Islamic partners, communists or the democrats within the council of revolution (10), the new regime attacked all the Islamic organizations, principally, the movement of Muslim brotherhood. (11) Therefore, Amani Qandeel dealt with all the former period as one epoch because the legal laws did not change until the restrictions appeared with the revolution age. The same security relative view continued ruling over the past period. During the whole age, the comprehensive mono concept controlled the political thoughts. Although the Egyptian political system adopted the political multiplicity in 1976 and the economical openness in 1974, no deep changes occurred about the political thoughts. Actually, The values of participation and political and social expression were suspected since the crises of March in 1954. So, all the political, economical and informational aspects were abstracted to the government and its mono comprehensive system. The government, for example, issued the presidential code No. 384 in 1956, which canceled the items (54 to 80) that were included in the civil law concerning the civil organizations. This resulted the dissolution and adjustment of all NGOs, where many individuals were prohibited from their political rights and were forbidden to join or establish other organizations. The code incriminated any violation to its items and subdued to the law of sanctions. (13) This code subjugated all the organizations of civil society to the supervision and control of the government. In 1964, the law No. 32 reconfirmed these provisions, thus, the NGOs struggled to change and drop them but the government made a trick by issuing the law No. 153 in 1999, which included the same supervision. The last law ended, constitutionally, quickly but the government succeeded to produce the present law No. 84 in 2002, issued by the people’s council of Egypt on the 3rd of July 2002. This law came with the various issued laws by the people’s council to obtain a firm control over all NGOs after the events of September. (14)

With the revolution of 1952 came the dissolution of all the professional associations’ councils and the cancellation of civil endowment, which represented a principal resource to finance the religious and humanitarian Islamic organizations. The hesitating and suspicious political attitude toward the civil organizations continued since the age of Abed Al Nasser till now in spite of the climate of ‘restricted’ political multiplicity, which started in 1976, till the emergence of a big number of parties in Egypt (16 parties) and the rise of the civil society concept that diversified the organizations nature and activities. The number of organizations increased from 7593 in 1976 to 11776 in 1986, then to 13239 in 1991, and about 15 thousand organizations in 2001.

The government struggle with the NGOs concentrated on the following types:

1. The religious and socialist organizations during the 50ies and 60ies.

2. The religious and human rights organizations during 80ies and 90ies.

Through its administrative, legal and security means, the government always threatens all the NGOs, whether Islamic or not, once they appear to exceed its sketched line. Therefore, due to their wide spread public role, the Islamic NGOs were continuously targeted and supervised, especially, after the repetition of many events that confirmed their connections to Muslim brotherhood or they were under the control of Islamic groups, like Sharia organization of Asiut and the Supporters of Mohamed Sunna. (15) In 1968, the dissolution of the Sharia organization occurred because it became controlled by Muslim brotherhood.

 2. The Problems of Islamic Civil Activities:

The dramatic encounter between the western civilization (the French launch) and Egypt caused a shock of modernity and new challenges emerged among Arabic thoughts due to the contact with the west, which continued through scientific delegations, missionary launches, the conflict with colonialism and the dream of establishing a modern state. The new ideas affected the Islamic phenomenon either, positively, toward modernizing Islam or, negatively, to Islamite modernity. This Islamic phenomenon was ignored and suspected by the political and intellectual elites, who either contradicted its ideology or sought authority. In spite of diversity, different visions and unified foundations, the Islamic NGOs succeeded during the 20th century to construct a wide spread social movement that affected the Egyptian public. This progress tempted sometimes for establishing a historical mass of gramchian concept. (16) The Islamic NGOs managed to become the most prominent among the other civil activities in Egypt. Many Muslim Brotherhood cadres were able to penetrate into these organizations, which continued to have their own goals and visions due to the government control upon the political Islam, their discordance with the visions of Muslim brotherhood and the insistence of their leaders to obtain recognized ideas and system. (17) Therefore, the problems of Islamic NGOs activity could be classified into two groups:

The first is related to the Islamic phenomenon in Egypt “self problems”:

The basis of Islamic civil activity varies according to the existing Islamic trends in Egypt. Some organizations are antecedent missionary according to Wahabi scheme, which appeared with the group of Sunna supporters in 1926 and increased with the age of oil in the Islamic regions by the end of 70ies. Other organizations are Sunni missionary like, Sharia or mosques organizations, which relate to definite mosques. Some organizations are related to certain personalities, others have commitments to general goals and religious bases, or to Muslim brotherhood movement and others.

The relation with the government is defined according to the speech and the connection with the Islamic trend or to the grade of contradiction with the government and religious authority “Al Azhar and the Academy of Islamic Researches”.

Some missionary trends attempt to control the organizations of other trends (18) but they all agree on two aspects:

1. The missionary and religious goal.

2. The social and humanitarian services.

In fact, the phenomenon of civil Islamic activity includes the values of cooperation and solidarity according to general Islamic morals, as well as, the problems of disagreement and competitions due to the following reasons:

a- The organizations usually insist to preserve their independence. They have relatively fixed administrative boards because of weak participation and lack of interior democracy. They have different connections with the social powers inside and outside the organizations.

b- The ideological disagreement: As an example, the visions of the supporters of Sunna and anticipated missionary disagree with the Sharia organization, as well as, with Muslim brotherhood, who were, according to these organizations, indulged with policy rather than religious rituals and rules.

c-  The fear from the security authority and the lack of organized front for these organizations. Actually, when the authority targets one organization, its members often separate instead of solidarity. (19) The joint liability of Islamic NGOs mostly emerges for the sake of general issues in the Egyptian society, such as crises, earthquakes and floods, or the issues of the Arab Islamic countries like, the Soviet invasion to Afghanistan (collecting contributions), or the help of the Palestinian Intefada. These activities were practiced with the permission of the government; otherwise they could not be achieved.

d-The Islamic NGOs cannot be separated from the civil Egyptian society. Actually, they might suffer from administrative corruption, where illegal earnings were discovered, for example, in  Sharia organizations of Aynah and Balfaya in Beni Swaif in 1999. They also suffer from the weak participation, lack of interior democracy and loose voluntary education. (20)

Due to security repression, people sympathized with these organizations rather than affected by their ideology, which became suspicious, especially, after the Ministry of Religious Endowments controlled the mosques of these organizations lately. As a result, this attitude affected the religious influence of these organizations. They became scattered without an organized existence or unified attitudes toward many fateful matters with less possibility for dialogue. While some organization like, the Humanitarian Islamic organization, headed by the counselor Mohamed Shawqi al-Fanjari, The Muslim Youth, the organization of Egypt for culture and dialogue and many other civil organizations that related to Muslim brotherhood ideology consider the issues of democracy, political participation, human rights and the dialogue with the trends of the civil society .  mean while most of the Islamic NGOs ignore that.  This clarifies how the activities of each organization vary according to its cadres, its field of work and its interior and exterior relations. (21)

e-The Islamic NGOs were able to overcome the problem of finance through the positive religious feelings of the Egyptian people, as well as, developing their income resources like, Muslim youth of Sharia in the professional associations (1984-1995), or through the various individual initiatives. One researcher noticed that the civil Islamic activity did not encourage any traditional effective method like the Organization of religious Endowment in Egypt, which would have supported them independently without the distinctive governmental financing, especially, after the late restrictions on local financing. At the same time, foreign financing is let free. (22) Still, the field study confirms the successes of Islamic NGOs to earn more than others. (23)

The Second: Objective Problems

These problems are due to the relations of the civil Islamic activity, especially, with the political Islamic trend. The field study and other researches about the phenomenon of civil Islamic activities proved that most voluntary organizations do not connect to radical Islamic groups in spite of all their growing religious influence in the field of joint liability. (24) The problems emerged because of the following reasons: 

1-   The similarities of ideology and same Islamic base.

2-   The role of some political cadres to establish some organizations like, the role of Hassan al-Bana, who established the Muslim Youth, or the penetration of some Muslim brotherhood cadres to the administrative boards of these organizations.

3-  The government usually does not realize the differences between these organizations and views them all on the same bases and its attempts to control their administrative boards, mainly, in the villages and some regions (Sharia organization in Balfaya and Muslim youth). The suspicions of many secularists toward the Islamic phenomenon in general led many researchers to have a generalized view about them.

Actually, we would like to submit some important notices as follows:

a.The government succeeded, early, to control the ideological directions of some organizations, so, they were used to face the political Islam or to justify the government practices and attitudes like, the Muslim Youth and sometimes, the Sharia organization. Sheik Mohamed Al-Gazali noted that in his book “Katha’if Al-Haque” (25), where he mentioned the confrontations against Brotherhood movement. Also, he talked about encouraging the activities of some Islamic trends, which were not related to political work, as the groups of antecedent missionary and the missionary group. 

b. In general, the difference of basic educations between the activists of Islamic NGOs and the activists of the Islamic movement weakened the political views, especially, toward the interior affairs of the political society and the state.

c. The political views of political Islam are often transferred to Islamic NGOs and encouraged by the government when they serve mutual definite goals, like the launches against the left wings and socialism during the middle of the 90ies, or the attitude toward Afghani Jihad and the Palestinian issue now. (26)

d. The social beneficiary activity and public services represent a fixed basic Islamic rule among all these organizations. Therefore, all the Islamic organizations, including the political Islamic trend, make benefit of this rule for more mobilization; accordingly, many cadres of the political Islamic movement might participate for the mentioned two goals.

e. Many organizations refuse to co-operate or deal with the political Islamic trend due to their different views and to avoid the clash with the government like, the organizations of Muslim Youth, Sharia, Sufi and Mosques. Most studies agree that only some definite organizations deal with the political work while most of them have no political influence at all. (27)

Through the field study, it is important to notice the outer impressions about these organizations in order to realize many problems, mainly, the relation between the moderate political Islamic trends and the radical ones among Muslims and others, inside the Arab world and outside.

Second: The Field Study 

The field study about the position of Islamic organizations and other civil organizations in Egypt in general are rare. (28) In fact, in spite of the importance of such studies, they face many problems and difficulties to be achieved, as follows: (29)

1. The security atmosphere: the government is suspicious about the civil society and its universal relations (the organizations of human rights) or the relations with the political Islamic movement (the Islamic NGOs), especially after directing many accusations to them.

2. The administrative and bureaucratic complications: These researches need the approval of the administrative and security authorities, which is difficult to obtain by individuals or civil organizations.

3. There is a lack of transparency due to the fear of security control or the refusal to expose the interior secrecy of the organizations.

Due to the former problems, fewer samples could be introduced. Still, we were able to present a variety of organizations, which were classified according to the following:

1. According to the field of activity.

2. According to bases.

3. According to the local and exterior relations.

The following table includes some chosen samples in spite of all mentioned difficulties:

1.Analyzation of the goals:

Most goals of these organizations are direct or indirect religious goals. The humanitarian beneficiary attitude of these organizations is related to Islamic religious values. Originally, their goals are missionary, (30) especially, in the case of Sharia organization whose founder, Al-Sebki, preferred the activity within a legal frame without any political goals. In fact, the principal organization of Sharia could include political goals, as its previous president believed that a part of the call for faith is to confirm “Islam as a religion and a state”.  Its former president, Sheik Ameen, issued a statement of “Religious Reformation” in the 60ies (31), in which he affirmed the necessity to use all nominations in the government from Koran and Sunna. This attitude was deeply clarified in the book of Sheik Abedullatif Mushtahari “Our Missionary” (32), who confirmed: “Islam is a religion, a state, destiny, policy, Koran and a sword”.  Accordingly, some people might notice a connection between Muslim brotherhood and Sharia organization but this relation is the result of Muslim brotherhood cadres’ penetration into the administrative board of Sharia. Actually, we believe that this view is the result of the following:

1-  All religious people, reformists and fanatic movements believe that Islam is a scheme of life and a comprehensive religion. Al-Afghani, Abdu, traditional sheiks and Azhar adopted this attitude.

2-  As a member of Sharia said, the same Sharia base that prefers the Islamic rather than the secularist involves in political thoughts without acting in politics.

In the case of Sharia organization, the same system of its founder continued, so, it avoided clashes with government, as well as, political field and concentrated on social activity. The social activity started before the movement of Muslim brotherhood emerged, where Al-Sebki established the factory of textile, beneficiary committees and missioners institutes. We can notice that the direct and indirect religious goals of Sharia organization have three aims:

1. To consolidate the religious values and support Sunna.

2.To face the heresy, which mainly spread among Sufi methods.

3. To encourage the commitment to Sunna in conduct, act and influence.

The goals of its branches’ doctrine are the same (the mosque of Fateh in Ma’adi, or in Belfya village of Beni Swaif, which was registered in 1977 No. 76 and controlled by Muslim brotherhood cadres). The 25 goals of Sharia organization do not include any political goal but definite direct and indirect religious goals. It is a central organization with four branches in Beni Swaif. It attempts to spread the religious consciousness and the comprehensive understanding of Islam. It uses the official educational curriculum in its different schools, which the government attempted to control them three times, until the year 1999. The organization was exposed to dissolution and judgment but it was announced guiltless in July 2002 and the government did not succeed to control it until now.

The Sharia organization established religious institutes according to Azhar curriculums like, the institute of Azhari Fateh in Ma’adi, which was established in the mosque of Fateh in 1988. It also co-operated with the general organization for illiteracy elimination program and educating the adults and helped in the establishment of 600 classes. Therefore, the political aspect is doubted to be included within its social services.

The organization of Muslim Youth was founded in 1927. Hassen Al-Bana was one of those who established it and the government controlled it since the 60ies. Dr. Ibraheem Tawfeek Al-Tahawi, a former Minister, was the head of the Islamic Youth organization in 1967, then, Sheik Al-Baqouri in 1975. Later on, many prominent official personalities headed the organization like, Hassan Abbas Zeki (the former minister of economy) and the present head, Dr. Ahmed Omar Hashim (The president of Azhar university). The goals of this organization are restricted to entertain the youth, encourage the religious feelings, as well as, avoiding disputes and cooperating with other Islamic organizations, which are often related to other countries or official associations.

It is noticed that the different religious organizations, in general, are recognized for their dynamic and effective activity, on one hand, and for their common goals, on the other hand. The organizations that relate to the government like, the general center for Islamic youth support the regime and its policies completely.

Dr. Abedalhameed Sa’eed, who had his Ph.D. in law from Sorbonne in 1912, founded the organization of Islamic Youth. Although this organization was established by a group of prominent intellectuals and the students of early delegations to Europe, and in spite of Hassan Al-Bana call for urging the religious feelings among Egyptian youth, this goal was delayed and restricted to semi-official activities even though the organization was sponsored by the government.

2. Analyzation of the Activities:

A-    The Missionary and the Religious Education:

Most activities are concentrated on the social and beneficiary aspect for poor groups through which the religious values are urged. This aspect is clarified in Sharia and Islamic missionary organizations in Beni Swaif, which afford many services through their schools and institutes. They concentrate on spreading the general religious values that help to unite people and urge them for Islamic scheme. The Islamic missionary organization of Beni Swaif, which related to Muslim brotherhood, attempted to propagate the slogans and the visions of brotherhood through its publications and mosques until the government controled it. The organizations of Islamic youth are restricted to youth activities, such as, seminars, camps and conferences about the Islamic issues like, dealing with the Palestinian issue according to the Egyptian government vision.

The rest of the samples are not related to the Egyptian government and concentrate on the missionary aspect. The principal Sharia organization established 650 institutes for missioners, which include 6 thousand students, males and females, who are educated according to Azhar curriculums. The activities of Sharia organizations varies as follows:

1. Missionary Convoys: each group includes 12 scientist of Azhar teachers and preachers, who give classes three days a week in each province.

2. Female missioners meetings: 10 thousand meetings were achieved during the last five years.

3. Missionary weeks: 4 thousand weeks were managed during the last five years.

4. Missionary committee: it plans the subjects that suit the environment and age. 

5. Activation of missionary spirit and encouragement for adopting religion through the beneficiary projects like, distributing publications in hospitals and clinics or spreading postures that urge for faith and beneficiary works. Such activities are noticeable in Fateh mosque of Ma’adi, Islamic missionary in Beni Sawif, Sharia organization of Belfia and the general center of Islamic youth, whose elite are related to the authority and adopt the regime system completely.

B- The field of Beneficiary Activities:

Through the dialogue with the activists, the researcher noticed the relative forward connection between the effective beneficiary activity and the following three aspects:

1. The extent of religious credibility in the organization and its organizers.

2. The extent of the organization and its institutions’ stability.

3. The extent of relation with the Egyptian government. The government might attack some active organizations, stop their activities and arrest some of their members due to their relation with political Islam, such as, Islamic missionary organization in Beni Swaif. Some organizations might lead a balanced relation with the government like, Sharia organization, or yielding relation like, Muslim youth. The principal Sharia organization is an active one with high credibility and effectiveness.

The following table analyzes the activities of Sharia organization:

 We notice that the activities of the principal Sharia organization are very effective, punctual and of high credibility. The organization overcomes the financial issues through traditional ways and takes care of various fields, which include males and females needs, the activists, and the benefited ones. It has continuous up to date and future plans. At the same time, most authorities trust this organization because of its distance from politics and its capacity for creation and developing its means and goals.

Sharia in the mosque of Ma’adi

 Sharia organization in Belfia Center in Beni Swaif:

The Organization of Islamic Missionary in Beni Swaif

4 Branches in Beni Swaif, Al-Wasiti, Af-Feshin and West Nerment:

 Missionary and Religious Education

The World Islamic Youth:

 In spite of bureaucratic obstacles and prohibition of financing it, the organization has a prominent social and beneficiary active role. It used several traditional and Sharia systems to overcome the financial problems in order to deal with the needs of society, Islamic education and care of the helpless poor. The organization offered continuous care of young girls and women. (33) Many types of afflicted poor, patients and premature children benefited from the beneficiary activities without discrimination, where Christians are taken care of as we noticed. The organization declined its activities only when it had a clash with the government like the case of Beni Swaif in 1996 when the authority targeted it with other civil society organizations, which were affected by Muslim brotherhood trend. Actually, the government was aware of the effective capacity and wide spread publicity of Muslim brotherhood in Egypt.

 3. The problems of Civil Islamic Activity in Egypt:

 In spite of its early existence, the civil society suffered many structural self-problems and with the government due to the weak education of the participants, the restrictions of the government and lack of cadres because of the tight pressure of security authority, lack of transparency and difficult conditions of living. The field study proves the control of successful charisma, relative settlement in many organizations’ administrative board and lack of democracy except the principal Sharia organization that succeeded since 1997 to adopt the mechanism of election and collective decision. In fact, this is what recognizes this organization from the others; therefore, it is the largest civil organization in Egypt and the most effective one. Due to the control of successful charisma, the Sharia of Fateh mosque, Islamic missionary in Beni Swaif and Sharia of Belfia are in a less grade. The world Islamic Youth adopts the slogans of the regime and much less recognized. It is fully controlled by the government and its general secretary is an opportunist of loose ideologies. 

According to one activist, the active organizations overcame the problems of finance and the relation with the government through the following: (34)

1) The clear religious mission encouraged the continuous donations. For example, one person sponsored the whole project of premature babies for principal Sharia organization.

2) The organizations succeeded to overcome the administrative problems through wise administration and distribution of work.

3) These organizations kept distance from politics and did not relate to any political trend.

4) They depended on donations, contributions and activities to support themselves financially.

5) The services of these organizations have no political or material goals.

Bureaucracy is the common obstacle against financing the services of these organizations. Also, according to the law of 1961, the Ministry of Endowment controlled all the mosques of Egypt. 

The head of Sharia organizations said: “all members do not belong to any party or a group. Even if some of them have beliefs in Muslim brotherhood but they are not organized”. (35) Also, they have moderate relation with the government and no connections with international issues other than the Palestinian one, which was included within the government interests as well.

4. The Visions of the Activists:

The sample includes 200 active members from different organizations. The range of ages: 40% (20-30 years), 50% (30-50 years) and 10% over 50 years old.

1- The appearance of the member: 75% of the members look normal like the rest of the society.

2- Motives: 60% religious motives, 30% serviceable motives, 10% personal motives and adhering to religion.

3- Opinions about the activities of the organization: 80% activists admired the activities. More than 58% activists agreed about the negative effect of the bureaucratic obstacle and the need to eliminate it. About 15% activists urged for the cancellation of the emergency law and called for the legal reformation of NGOs law. 20% activists insisted on the necessity to liberate the mosques.

4- The opinion about the events of September: 92% negated the possibility of being an act committed by Muslims. 85% mentioned that Ben laden does not represent Islam but was used as a symbol by the west. 12% justified the act as a response for the American and Israeli practices in the Arab occupied lands. 88% assured the objection of Islam for terrorist acts, which are targeted against unarmed civilians. 10% rejected these acts because there were many Muslims among the victims. One head of Islam missionary in Beni swaif insisted that Ben laden does not deserve to represent Islam, the same was mentioned by A.D. Mahdi, the present president of principal Sharia organization.

5- The relation with the west and non-Muslims:

70% missionary, beneficiary and translations like, Islamic missionary in Beni Swaif- Al-Fudhul of Alliance in the paganism age (pre-Islamic).

10% a relation of conflict due to old hostility.

15% demanded the west for nonalignment against Muslims and to justify the rights of the Palestinian people.

5% have relations of interests but not religious or of principles.

6- The attitude toward the Palestinian issue:

60 % The behavior of Sharon destroys the operation of peace.

10 % against all laws and traditions.

7 % no peace with the Sharoni attitudes.

13 % Do not count on the United Nations efforts and consider the American alignment is the reason for the Israeli strength.

20 % demand the activation of Islamic Jihad for Aqsa.

All organizations have no interests in the relation between Islam and the west except the Muslim Youth, which concentrates on the dialogue between religions and other cultural subjects. (37) The rest of the organizations hold seminars to support the Palestinian issue. They held in 28th -29th of July 2002 a conference about “the support for Palestinian people struggle against the fierce Israeli Attack” but it was official rather than real effective activity.

7- The International relations:

All the organizations have no international relations other than the Muslim Youth, which is headed by the official M. Tahawi with no real base. Actually, all the organizations concentrate on the local and regional activity. All the organizations have the same attitude of the government toward the results of September events. The movement of Muslim brotherhood has a mutual attitude with the government toward the issue of Sa’ed Al-Deen Ibraheem and against the violent acts of the Islamic groups; therefore, they were not affected by the events of September and were not exposed to any pressure from the authority. In fact, the government percepts the distance of Islamic NGOs from the movement of political Islam and has no suspicions after controlling Muslim brotherhood, arresting most activists and transferring some of them to military judiciary. (38)

Conclusion:           

This study attempts to clarify the deep extent of the religious constituent of civil activity in Egypt and its social, human and beneficiary effects, as well as, its moderate visions and problems through the fierce launch against it. Also, the study distinguishes the differences instead of the inclusive view toward all the organizations. Still, we have the following problems:

1) The religious and serviceable goals are the only main motives and aims of the organizations.

2) Some organizations include members, who relate to the ideology of Muslim brotherhood, or have commitments to it like, Islamic missionary, especially after the political rise in most intermediate associations and local public councils before 1995. Thus, the government decided the dissolution of these organizations and arrested the prominent activists in spite of their active role and social and political presence.

3) The phenomenon of civil Islamic activity represents the various Islamic trends in Egypt, from Sufi to Salafi, Islami, Sunni and political Islam except the radical trend, which chose straight violence and was attacked and ended completely.

4) Many civil Islamic organizations do not object to relations with the government and make benefit of that like, principal Sharia and Fateh in Ma’adi. (39)

5) Some officials control these organizations and are participant members as well.

6) In spite of the active prominent role, the civil Islamic organizations were never studied objectively away from the objecting or supporting ideologies.

7) It is noticed that most beneficiary organizations have no discrimination between Muslims or non-Muslims. 

Thirdly: The Islamic succor activity in Egypt

The first succor experience was established in 1912 in Egypt with the Red Crescent, which participated in the medical succor in Balkan war. The Muslim brotherhood established during the revolution of Palestine (1935-1937) the first succor committee, named “The Central Committee for Palestine aid”, headed by Hassan Bana, who founded another committee for Palestinian refugees of 1948 but the Egyptian government did not appreciate it. During the 50ies and 60ies, the clash between the revolutionary government and the Islamic movements declined the Islamic human succor activity until the period from 1975 to 1985, where many succor organizations were established in the Arab world and Egypt due to the rise of challenges and external issues. So, there were The Soviet invasion to Afghanistan, the Israeli invasion to Lebanon, the expanded painful triangle of ‘poverty, ignorance and illness’ inside and outside Muslim Arab society. Also, there was a cultural reason, where some succor western and international organizations were dedicated for human work in the Arab Islamic countries and they ranged between missionary and corruption reputation.

In the 21st-22nd  of September 1988, Sheik of Azhar and the former Jordanian Minister of Endowment Ahmed kamel Al-Shareef headed the establishment of Islamic Succor Council to coordinate between all the efforts of other Islamic succor organizations. Other coordinating organizations emerged later on like, the active E’itilaf Al-Khair inside Palestine now.

It is noticed that most Islamic human succor activities are related to the conflicts in the Arab Islamic world. Actually, the Palestinian issue has been always prominent among the activities of the beneficiary and succor organizations. The experience of these organizations varies due to the following aspects:

1) The organizations were established for human and religious goals, thus they continued between missionary and beneficiary activity in Arab Islamic countries and others.

2) The movement of Muslim brotherhood adopted these efforts early.

3) Most trends in Egypt respond mainly to the efforts of succor in Palestine although there are differences in the experience, mechanism and legality of work. While the committee for Intifada, headed by left and Nasseri cadres, faced many problems in its work and the authority arrested its heads the succor committee of doctors associations had balanced relations with the Ministry of Health in Egypt and Palestine, so, it achieved more legality and positive status. In spite of the large donations, the Islamic organizations had difficulties to deliver the contributions to the occupied territories because of their lack of experience.

4) The effective activities of these organizations provoke the Egyptian authority, especially, during crisis, where they become exposed to repression because of the fear of public respond as the case of the succor committee of doctors association in 1995. (40)

A study of a case from the succor committee in the doctors association:

Foundation and development:

The committee was founded after the Islamic trend entered the association of doctors in 1984. In the 3rd of May 1985, the decision of establishing it was issued and indicated sending doctors to help the refugees. The committee started its activity in Afghanistan through the cooperation with other succor organizations, such as, the Islamic missionary committee in Kwait, which provided it with doctors of different specializations. Its activity was restricted in Afghanistan, then spread to Palestine after the first Intifada in 1987 and started to collect contributions to support it. The committee had similar activities in Sudan after the floods of 1988; it also was ready to support Kwait with succor groups during the Gulf war in 1990. It sent a delegation that reached the region of Rwaished on the frontiers and participated in offering medical services for the afflicted residents. Besides, the committee cooperated with the Arab League to send medical groups to Kurds in the north of Iraq, as well as, a delegation to Somalia in 28th of May 1992. The committee had its local role inside Egypt through the following crises:

1)      The catastrophes of Abed Al-Qader in 1992.

2)      The floods of 1993, 1994.

3)      The fire of Tira Mountain in Menia in 1995.

The committee participated in many public services as well.

The period of decline:

The committee was of great efficiency, especially, during the interior catastrophes, where it advanced in submitting services for the afflicted people, thus, CNN and BBC broadcast announced about its prominent activity. The committee participated in the succor for the people of Bosnia and assisted with money and medical projects. The work of the committee expanded to include some cold areas without wars like, Albania and Russia, where it opened an office in Moscow and Makhachkala, the capital of Dagistan It also opened an office in Chechnia and another in Azerbaijan after it won the membership of the International Islamic Council for Missionary and Succor in 23, August 1993.

The international and local suspicions started about the role and relations of the committee with the international Muslim brotherhood movement. In 1994, the committee was attacked and accused of financing the war of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as, supporting Arab individuals to participate in the war, as one activist said depending on the bad reputation that marked those who returned from Afghanistan and accused them of terrorism through the conflict between the government and the powers of political Islam. (41) Thus, its secretary, Dr. Ashraf Abed Al-Gafar, and a number of the committee activists were arrested; besides, a military decision was issued to incriminate any contribution given to any organization other than the Egyptian Red Crescent, and all the money of the committee was confiscated.

The period of returning: The committee benefited of its past experience when it reemerged strongly with the beginning of the Palestinian Intifada in 2000, whether through dealing with the official authorities or the area of succor activity. Thus, it acted with the approval of the Egyptian Ministry of health or the offices of the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the regions of succor. The report of the committee (from January 2001 till July 2002) indicates that until 31.7.2002, it submitted medical support for the Palestinians, which reached the amount of 12.552.828 Egyptian pounds. (42) Similar contributions were submitted for Sudan, about 100.000 Egyptian pounds for tents and medicine; 40.000 Egyptian pounds for Bosnia and Herzegovina; 30.000 US Dollars medical equipments for Kosovo; with the cooperation of the Commonwealth technical branch in the Egyptian Foreign Ministry the committee submitted 20.000 $for the refugees ofAzerbaijan, where it is preparing to establish a permanent clinic too. The committee is establishing two humanitarian succor projects (Disabled- Catastrophes), where it offered contributions of about 350121 thousand pounds. Thus, the committee submitted through one year (till 31.7.2002) about 14.0922.949 pounds although it suffers from the mechanism of working locally, such as, permissions, and internationally with the pressure after events of September, or the authorities suspects about its connections to political Islam. Still, this experience continues in spite of all the attempts to control its prominence as a recognized human challenge to support the needy and afflicted people.

Finally, the field study confirms that the Islamic beneficiary organizations or the ones of humanitarian succor scope deal with the social and serviceable activity as a principal part of it, which parallels the services for the Palestinian issue, away from the alignment to definite groups or trends. These organizations have its balanced principles and attitudes toward the various Egyptian issues of Arab and Islamic people. We might disagree with them but we respect the included efforts and visions by a human perception for the values and types of differences away from the non-sense speech about the clash of civilizations or cultures or the integration of dual contradictions as these organizations are always connected to terrorism and attacked for illegal resistance. 

Even though they vary in visions, means and the capacity for establishing democracy but all the different cases have a tangible role, which deserve to be studied away from any ideological or cultural negation.

Notices:

1) Amani Qandeel and Sarah Ben Nafeesah, “Civil Organizations in Egypt”, Cairo, The center of strategy and political studies, Ahram, 1994. Also, the report of Egypt Al-Mahrousa in 1993-1995, Cairo, Egypt Al-Mahrousah for publishing and press services.

2) Amani Qandeel, “The Civil Society in the Arab Society”, A study of Arab civil organizations, the organization of Arab alliance for participation with the citizen, 1994, p. 74.

3) Types of wider studies:

a-  Amani Qandeel and sarah ben Nafeesah: “Civil Organizations in Egypt”.

b-  Amani Qandeel: “The Civil Society in the Arab World”.

c-  The annual report of religious conditions in Egypt from 1995 to 2000, Cairo, the center of strategy and political studies in Ahram.

d-Ahmed Husien Hasaneen: “The Political Islamic Groups and the Civil Society 1975-1995”, Un published M.A. thesis, University of Ayn Shams, Department of Literature, Directory of Sociology.

e-  Imad Syam: ‘The Activists of Islamic Movement and the Means of Founding Political Influence in an Egyptian Village’, The Social Socialist Magazine, No. 3, 1992.

4) The study of the Arab Research Center of Cairo about Islamic civil organizations, a group of researchers supervised by Abd Al-Gafar Shuker, published in 2000 and it will be circulated for five Arab countries.

5) This was confirmed after a meeting with Dr. Mohamed Saleem Awad, the establisher and president of Egypt organization for culture and dialogue and Abu Al-Ula Baqi, a member of the administrative board and the founder of Al Wasat party in 20.8.2002.

6) Look Dr. Waheed Abed Al-Majeed ‘The Atittude of Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood toward Democracy’, Manthour Ila Al-Afdal, London Al Haiat, 31.5.2001.

7) Look Qandeel and Nafeesah “The Civil Organizations in Egypt”. Also, the opinion of Abed Al-Gafar, Center of Arab Researches, p. 20.

8) The previous two sources.

9) Rakom Jillan, ‘The Political Economy of Saint Simony and the technical elite in Egypt’, Egypt and the Arab World, No. 3, 1995.

10) See Hasaneen Kushk in Abed Al-Gafar Shuker “Islamic Civil Organizations”, p. 22.

11) Hala Mustafa, “The State and The Islamic Movements, Clash and Peace during the Age of Sadat and Mubarak’, the center of Mahrousah, 1995, p. 339, 340.

12) Rif’at Al-Sa’eed, “Political Trends in Egypt”, Al-Amal publications, 2001, p. 224 and on.

13) Qandeel, ‘The Civil Society during 50 Years’, Ahram newspaper, 30.7.2002. Also, Qandeel, “The Civil Organizations in Egypt”.

14) He founded the system of banishment and the administrative domination of the authority with the NGOs starting with the law No. 32 of 1964 or Law No. 153 of 1999, which ended after couple of days, or the last law of the Peoples Council in 3.7.2002.

15) See Sawasiah (Cairo Center for the Studies of Human Rights), No. 43, No. 44, 2002.

16) Abed Al-Gafar, “Islamic Civil Organizations in Egypt”. P. 37. Also, the lecture about ‘the Islamic experiments in the civil society’ by the International center for Studies, Cairo, 16.9.2001.

17) The Egyptian communist Mahmood Ameen reminded that at the end of 60ies, some Muslim brotherhood cadres contacted him to ask about the Possibility of establishing a historical mass and the translation of Antonio Gramchi meeting in 1996 and a dialogue in December 2001.

18) A dialogue with Dr. Mohamed Mukhtar al-Mahdi, the president of Sharia administrative board in Egypt on Sunday 27.8.2002.

19) Like the attempt of some Muslim brotherhood cadres to control the administrative boards of Sharia organizations or the organizations of Ansar Al-Sunna.

20) The sample of Islamic missionary in Beni Swaif, in 2002 the dissolution of its administrative council occurred, as well as, the administrative councils of Islamic missionary in Bush center and Islamic Wasiti, where the supervisors were arrested too.

21) “The Crisis of Egyptian Civil Society”, the study of Nabeel Abed Al-Fatah ‘The Egyptian Civil Society in a Disturbed World’.

22) Hisham Ja’far, editor of Liberation of Islam on line, a research about the experiments of Islamic cadres in the civil society ‘The Islamic Experiments in Egypt and the Problems of Civil Activity’, Cairo, 15.1.2001, p.12.

23) The previous source, p. 21.

24) See Dr. Ameen Abed Al-Khalek in Abed Al-Gafar “Islamic NGOs”, p.296.

25) See the report of the religious conditions, The Center of Strategy and Political Studies, Ahram, 1997, p. 312-319.

26) See Hassan Al-Bana, ‘The Memories of Missionary and Missioners’.

27) Sheik Mohamed Gazali, “Katha’ef”, Islamic publications, 1985.

28) See Hasaneen Kushk in Abed Al-Gafar, “Islamic NGOs in Egypt”, p. 32.

29) In this field study, we depended on the personal relations and the cooperation of the center of strategy and political studies in Ahram, who facilitated permissions for achieving the research.

30) See Dr. Fu’ad Ali Mukhaimar, the Sharia system and conduct organization, Cairo, p. 53 and on. Also, the law of organizations published by Al-Sa’adah, Cairo, 1912 (1330 A.H.).

31) The previous source.

32) The previous source.

33) Abedullateef Mushtahari, “Our Missionary”, Sharia organization, 1979, p. 309.

34) Look Imad Siam, previous source. Also, Hala Mustafa, ‘The State and the Islamic Opposition Movements’ in “Al-Mahrousah”, No. 9, 1995, p. 343.

35) This was confirmed by some of its cadres who prefer not to mention their names. We also noticed that through our repeated visits to the center and the dialogue with its supervisors.

36) The present secretary general and the head of religious committee in the leading party, who was a former candidate for people’s council membership.

37) See the report of Islamic Youth for the year 2001/2002.

38) See Hala Mustafa, previous source.

39) The principal Sharia organization, confirmed by the head of Sharia of Fateh mosque in Ma’adi.

40) See Dr. Majdi Ali Sa’eed, The human succor committee, ‘The Climate of Emergence and the Factors of Ended Role’, unpublished study submitted for the conference of “Islamic Cadres and Civil Society”, the International center for Studies, 2000.

41) The previous source.

42) See the report of the succor committee, July 2002, prepared by Abed Al-Kader hijazi, present general secretary of the committee, No.7.

:The researcher thanks the Center of Strategic and Political Studies in Al-Ahram, and Mr. Dhia’ Rashwan, the political expert in the center,   who revised the research, also, Mr. Madhat Al-Garbawi, who wrote it  

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